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Now is an era of networks, and more of the spread is online. Once something is accepted, it is advertised and known. Just as the current Cordyceps is more known, his globalization may not be far behind. The details are as follows
On a warm afternoon in August 2007, several villagers and I were chatting with Lhasa beer on the grass and enjoying the rare warmth of the cold song. The harvest season of Cordyceps sinensis has basically ended and the village has returned to calm. But this calm is filled with gunpowder: the village and the neighboring village are struggling to divide the village boundary in order to compete for the resources of cordyceps, so the two villages with long-term intermarriage relations are actively preparing for armed combat.
Dawa, a Tibetan man in his thirties, took a sip of his wine and asked me, "Why do you Cantonese people love this bug so much? So expensive? "As a Cantonese who has the habit of eating Cordyceps, I can not answer it, or I did not think about it before. In fact, Tibetans themselves do not eat this "miracle drug" produced exclusively on the Tibetan Plateau. "It is estimated that you 'low people' are useful to eat, and we 'high people' are useless to eat. "Dawa finally concluded with a smile in Chinese that was not very bright. Cordyceps sinensis, known as the "qinghai-tibet treasure" but not much eaten by the Tibetan people, has become the main source of income for Tibetan farming and pastoral areas. According to a 2010 field study by the German scholar winkeldanel, the conservative estimate is that caterpillar grass accounts for 40 % of the cash income of the entire farming and animal husbandry region in Tibet, and 70 % to 90 % in the main production areas.
However, the worm grass brings not only considerable economic benefits, but also social issues such as the destruction of the ecological environment, the disparity between the rich and the poor, the differentiation between urban and rural areas, and the intensification of ethnic conflicts. The pygmy economy may seem special, but aside from its high prices, it reflects the profound contradictions that have arisen in Tibet's modern transformation. Behind these contradictions lies the crisis facing the process of market-oriented reform and globalization. Therefore, the significance of discussing the pygmy economy also lies in the fact that it provides a new perspective on the issue of Tibet.
For a long time, most of the controversy over Tibet has focused on the historical political positioning of Tibet. Many scholars have pointed out the space-time confusion of this discussion: Wang Lixiong emphasizes that it is inappropriate to use modern political and legal standards to measure the pre-modern Sino-Tibetan relations; Wang Hui also conducted a critical analysis from the perspective of modern nation-states. This over-politicization and essentialization of the discourse has made the Tibet issue special, ignoring the deep global changes under the so-called ethnic issues. In the course of modernization, Tibet is not only the object of transformation, but also the main body of its own transformation. Tibet has long been considered to be deep in the roof of the world and isolated from the outside world. In fact, Tibet has had a history of contact with the outside world for at least 1,500 years. It has maintained close trade and exchanges with the Han region and South Asia for a long time.
Since the beginning of the 1990s, the increasingly popular caterpillar fungus has been used for the exchange of Chinese tea, salt and silk as early as 500 years ago. But after 30 years of opening-up and market economy reform, Tibet is increasingly embedded in the global landscape in a new way and intensity. Farmers and herdsmen such as Dawa who live in remote mountainous areas above 3,000 meters above sea level may not have seen Cantonese in their lifetime, but because of caterpillar fungus, they are caught by the flood of market economy into a long commodity chain that crosses ethnic borders and even borders.. This chain of goods flows from the "roof of the world" at its source, flows eastward from the West, crosses the ocean under the global ocean, and flows to Japan, South Korea, and even Los Angeles. Wormgrass is only one of the major trends. Various Tibetan medicines, Tibetan Buddhist products, tourism and other goods integrate Tibet into the global network. These processes have reorganized the entire society-not only Tibet, but also China and the entire contemporary world.
Therefore, the Tibetan issue should be understood as a dynamic globalization process. It is worth noting that globalization is often understood in a narrow sense as a set of macroeconomic principles, but in practice it encompasses a variety of complex and dialectical cultural and social processes. This process is not absolute giving and receiving. The form of global macrodiscourse to local society must be completed through national translation and local practice to complete the dual localization. These processes do not apply evenly to different places, and stress in different places can be very different. But when we talk about "Tibet", "modernization" and "globalization" in general, we usually choose the top section. The difference that this process has caused is more and more obvious to the grassroots, but it is often wiped out in grand political discourse.
For example, farmers and herdsmen often become invisible groups in the discussion of the Tibetan issue, and their development problems are often translated into macroeconomic data. We have to reflect on whose Tibet we are talking about when we are talking about Tibet? When we talk about development, what kind of development are we talking about? To clarify the multilayered process of the Tibetan issue, we must consider: What kind of globalization is impacting Tibet? How has it affected the ethnic-state relations in Tibet? Under the dual authority of globalization and the state, how can Tibet find its place and get out of its own way? The politics of imagination: the double marginalization of Tibet in globalization, as a social process, has become a core feature of globalization. It breaks free from the shackles of the past and operates in the logic of today's daily life. However, this imagination is not an individual imagination that is unbounded. It is always shaped by political forces and can not escape the mode of thinking set by authoritative words. This relatively subtle discipline has become more and more a mechanism for the operation of modern power.
This feature is particularly prominent in the Tibetan issue. To a large extent, the Tibetan issue is a struggle between various political subjects for the right to speak in Tibet. Around the core of history and culture, the parties establish different words of zero-sum relations. These words have become more than just a battle of words in international politics. As part of ideology, they have penetrated deeply into the daily life imagination of society, thus determining the social position of Tibet and the way it participates in the global economy. On the one hand, the construction of the image of Tibet is the ubiquitous "Tibet Hollywood" since the 1980s. This kind of Hollywood is the monopoly of Western cultural hegemony on the definition and characterization of Tibet. Its content is rooted in the Western Oriental knowledge tradition.
Out of anxiety for modernity, there has long been a "artificial nostalgia" in the West, imagining the past that was "lost" in modernity -- although this "past" may never have existed. Distant and secretive Tibet is naturally the perfect place for Western self-projection. The West hopes to find knowledge of its own subjectivity from this "lost" other culture. However, this construction can not be generally attributed to the direct and one-way orientalization of the West. It is reproduced through the continuous practice of multiple stakeholders and permeates all aspects of social life. These subjects include the Dalai Lama group, exiled Tibetans, international supporters of Tibetan independence, advocates of the New Age movement, entrepreneurs, and the general public as consumers. The self-orientalization of the Dalai clique is the direct source of the current trend of "Hollywood in Tibet".
In order to be recognized by Western society, they shaped Tibet before 1950 as a pure land Shangri-La, and Tibetans are devout spiritual guardians. The core of this self-orientalization is to make Tibet an idealized Tibetan Buddhism. The high degree of naturalisation has completely obliterated other Tibetan beliefs and cultural traditions, such as Bon religion and other native cultures before Buddhism entered Tibet. However, it is worth pointing out that this strategy is not a new creation. It is deeply rooted in the mchod-yon tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism has historically used this strategy to protect itself from outsiders. With the help of modern media, more and more Western celebrities, such as actor Richard Kiel and musician Bono, have made Hollywood in Tibet even stronger. Inspired by this wave, the old group of exiled Tibetans gradually internalized this political propaganda into their identity. Ironically, this transcendental vision of divinity in Tibet has precisely caused the commercialization of Tibet.
Most non-political subjects participate in the construction of Tibet as consumers or merchants through the form of mass consumption. On the one hand, "Tibetan culture", which is separated from the context and social relations, is more likely to be materialized and processed into various types of standardized goods. Symbolic consumption of Tibet is actually accompanied by the dissolution of the cultural context of Tibet. Taking Tibetan medicine as an example, Tibetan local medicinal materials have been independently extracted from the epistemology and cosmology of Tibetan medicine and become products that consumers can purchase on their own. Herbal medicines such as cordyceps, which are generally used in Tibetan medicine, are often dismantled into unilateral ones that are more "responsive" and are easily grafted into other medical systems. It is precisely because of this "affinity" that Tibetan medicine in the United States and the wave of the new era in the United States has coincided with a group of enthusiastic supporters. However, Tibetan medicine is rarely used to replace Western biomedicine. It is more used as a supplement to the latter and conforms to the Orientalist logic about others. On the other hand, this modern imagination produces the desire to consume Tibet. The imagination of the "lost" in modernity makes the individual have a strong sense of lack, and consumption becomes the most convenient and quick way to fill this imaginary vacancy. Under the impetus of the New Age Movement, Tibet-related goods have emerged in large numbers on the international market, and the export of Tibetan art such as Thangka and Buddha statues has become a highly profitable business.
In contrast to this commodity chain, a large number of foreign tourists who have followed the flow into Tibet. In this global commodity relationship, real Tibet has been further crushed as the source of goods and the symbol "raw materials", and has had to cater to this imagination and embark on the road to self-orientalization. The best example is the renamed Shangri-La in the Tibetan area of Yunnan. Through the global flow of information, the Western imagination of Tibet has been sold to the Chinese market and has become a fashionable product for displaying taste among emerging middle-class consumers. The subversive ideology is thus re-integrated into the framework of mainstream culture through the repackaging of mass consumption. Through the powerful mechanism of the market, imagination partially constructs reality.
However, this international imagination does not directly determine the economic shape of Tibet. It needs to work together with specific local policies. The Tibetan policy originated from the modern discourse led by economic development and combined Marx and Stalin's discussion of ethnic relations. It is actually the localization of various global processes in China: one of the poles contains China's imagination of modernization and the West, and the other is the construction of its internal "other". This ideology produces a set of Tibetan imagination that is different from that of the West and acts more directly on Tibet.
Since the reform and opening up, China's
development model with market efficiency as its fundamental goal has brought
unprecedented impacts to Tibet and other ethnic minorities.
This impact needs to be understood in Chinese national policy and history. In the ethnic studies of the 1950s, China divided the social patterns and levels of development of various ethnic groups according to the theory of single-line social evolution. Tibet was placed at the very end of the entire echelon and was labeled as serf-feudal society. It's the focus. Therefore, the pressure on Tibet to catch up with the "big forces", especially the Han "big brother", is particularly heavy. Subsequent market reforms have added to this anxiety. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the Chinese government's attention to the issue of Tibet mainly focused on the reform of class struggle and production relations; However, after the reform and opening up, economic development has become the hard truth for solving ethnic issues. Since the 1980s, the state has set a high standard of growth targets for Tibet: between 1993 and 1999, Tibet's GDP grew by an average of 9.3 % a year, and after 2002 it grew by more than 10 %. However, this economic growth was mainly achieved by increasing foreign aid. This impatient and general approach has made the preferential policies of ethnic minorities very awkward under the values of market efficiency and has become one of the sources of ethnic misunderstandings. For example, some people complain that instead of "wasting" funds in Tibet, It's better to invest where it pays off. In the context of market transformation, the state has increasingly emphasized the economic autonomy of ethnic minority areas. However, due to geographical and ecological constraints, it is difficult for Tibet to achieve high GDP growth through industrial and agricultural development as elsewhere. Due to factors such as education and language, Tibetans are at a disadvantage in the market competition. Among the few market possibilities, Tibetan medicine is a more politically correct industry with great market potential. With fewer technical inputs, abundant raw materials and low marketability costs, traditional medicine, including Tibetan medicine, has become a new focus for Chinese exports. In this sense, the Western imagination and consumption of Tibet coincide with the goal of modernization of Tibet.
Therefore, in the process of modernization of Tibetan medicine, it is placed in the gap between "scientific" and self-oriental and mysterious. First, the overall modernization of Tibetan medicine has been reduced to a single goal of marketization. This is not only a requirement for economic income generation, but also because the market value has become the most powerful endorsement of the cultural value of ethnic minorities. Ethnic minority cultures, defined by the ideology of modernity as marginal and "backward", feel the urgent need to find the legitimacy of their existence in order to prove that their culture is not contrary to the country's development and modernization process, or even "useful". It is therefore worthy of national support. The market value is undoubtedly the highest acceptable measure. Therefore, the so-called modernization of Tibetan medicine is more based on the demand of foreign markets with consumer power, cutting out the most marketable potential and market value, and packaging it into products that are suitable for the world.
Therefore, it is not difficult to understand that these are not commonly used in Tibetan medicine and are blindly used in compound medicines because of the needs of domestic and foreign markets. On the other hand, it is commonly used in some Tibetan medicines. Due to the low market value and lack of picking, it is difficult for Tibetan hospitals to distribute medicines. In order to be recognized by the international market, Tibetan medicine needs to be scientific. The so-called scientificization is mainly the use of mainstream biomedical grammar and vocabulary. In the face of strong biomedicine, the unique epistemology and cosmology in traditional Tibetan medicine are often abandoned because it is difficult to translate, and instead focus on the study of the active components of unilateral drugs and medicinal materials. This scientific move towards biomedicine is a global trend for most traditional medicines, not a national imposition on Tibet. With China's entry into the WTO, the impact on minority medicine, a local knowledge and cultural tradition, has been even more intense. Embezzlement of this international discourse, China has combined its national political considerations with the requirement of "scientificization" of Tibetan medicine. One of the most important points is to strictly remove the religious beliefs in Tibetan medicine. This is not only to meet the requirements of the modernization of the secular society with Chinese characteristics, but also to deal with the strategy of using religion in Tibetan discourse. The means to achieve this goal is not only the direct regulation of Tibetan medicine content by the state, but also the borrowing power of the market: on the one hand, the demand of the consumer market discussed above, and on the other hand, the shaping of the market subject by the privatization process in China.
One of the immediate policy factors is the medical reform that began in the late 1980s. Under the condition that the state drastically reduced funds and relaxed the privatization of medical care, the Tibetan hospital, which is the main practitioner of Tibetan medicine, gradually transformed into a profit-oriented market subject, and therefore more actively complied with the scientific requirements defined by authority. However, the popularity of Tibetan medicine products in recent years has relied more on the consumption of symbols in Tibet than on its doubtful efficacy. Not only the international market, in recent years, there has also emerged a trend of internal internationalization of ethnic minorities. In order to attract Han Chinese consumers, doctors in clinics opened by Tibetan hospitals in major cities along the coast of the country have all traditionally dressed-Tibetan robes, boots, and hats. On the other hand, Tibetan hospitals in Tibet require doctors to wear white coats. Traditional clothing is regarded as feudal and backward. Domestic consumers 'imaginations of Tibet are similar to Western Orientalism, but not a simple copy of the latter. The following ad is an excellent summary of this imagination: "Snow Mountain Worm, Natural Pure, Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, Chinese God Grass. "While shaping Tibet into an internal" other ", it also integrates it into the whole of Chinese culture. This imagination is not only a longing for Tibetan culture, but also a desire for the geographical resources within the territory of a country. Especially in rapidly developing but also rapidly polluted Chinese cities, resource-rich and not "stained" Tibet has become an ideal source of raw materials. Unprocessed natural medicines are more popular with domestic consumers than "backward" and suspect prescription drugs.
It is important to note that this kind of Chinese minority imagination also provides a buffer for Tibet to face the pressure of globalization. As part of Chinese culture, Tibetan medicine-as long as the religious part is removed-and traditional Chinese medicine are all constructed by China as another "science" that is different from Western science, thus gaining a certain living space in the mainstream of strong Western medicine; On the other hand, the knowledge system in Tibetan medicine, as a minority culture, is protected and developed by the National minority culture policy. Such a buffer space makes it possible for Tibetan medicine to modernize and gain legitimacy without losing its due cultural depth and national autonomy. Tibetans are not completely passive objects as described in many studies. When they are given sufficient space and conditions, they can use market forces and political advantages to take a modern road suitable for their own conditions.
The difficulties of development in the agricultural and pastoral areas of Tibet in the course of market transformation The Western and developmentalist discourse seems to be in opposition to the two sets of Tibetan discourse. In fact, it is an integral two sides of the discourse of modernity. Its logic is that the coordinates of modernity are used to determine the position of Tibet. And neither depicts Tibet as an island on the edge of the modern era. While China politically decries the Western and Dalai Lama's orientalized vision of Tibet, it can not resist the international market demand created by it. In the politicized imagination, the real Tibet is confused between the two poles and is doubly marginalized. Although the Dalai Lama group claims to speak for the Tibetan people, many in China can not find themselves in the "original truth" they represent.
This "original true" imagination excludes modern Tibet from the possibility of modern development. When a scholar from the exiled Tibetan area investigated in Qinghai, he discovered that the local Tibetans were disdainful of such agents. Some people even told him: "I don't like them(exiled Tibetans). They think we're not real Tibetans. This has also become the reason why a new group of exiled Tibetans have been discriminated against by the old group of exiled Tibetans who have accepted Oriental identity. On the other hand, China's ethnic orientation and single development strategy for Tibet have not given Tibet too much autonomy, making Tibet's modern transformation even more difficult. Multiple imaginations from outside Tibet have taken root and become the internal cause of social contradictions and riots in Tibet through the transformation of market and political forces.
Modernization and globalization are irreversible trends in every part of the world today. But these big trends do not necessarily lead to the predicament that Tibet faces today, that is to say, Tibet is not fundamentally unsuitable for modernization and marketization, as some Western views believe. It is also not the Chinese mainstream argument that the Tibetan culture is too backward to hinder the modernization of the economy. Through an in-depth analysis of ethnic participation in the caterpillar industry chain, it can be found that Tibetans have the same potential as Han and other ethnic groups to succeed in the market. However, the current development strategy does not provide Tibetans with equal opportunities to participate in market competition. At the same time, under pressure from international public opinion, people are eager to show the fruits of Tibet's development and vigorously promote GDP growth.
In fact, the detailed structure of the cordyceps industry reflects the uneven development picture of China's high-growth surface during the more than 30 years of reform and opening up. The huge capital that flows rapidly in the cordyceps industry does not flood the ethnic boundaries, but flows along the ethnic texture. In this middle link of many commodity chains, the division of labor among ethnic groups is very obvious: no capital and technology are required to pick the links, most of which are completed by Tibetan farmers and herdsmen; Most of the first-level Bug Bugs are Tibetans, but there are also many Hui people who want to participate in this link. They must not only have the relevant knowledge of Bug, but also need more than 10,000 yuan in start-up capital; At the second level, the middlemen are more Hui, and the Tibetans still occupy a considerable part. However, the start-up capital requirement of about 200,000 yuan has deterred many Tibetans who want to participate. In Lhasa, Xining and Chengdu, the major wholesale markets with millions of transactions, are basically the sites of the Hui and Han nationalities.
Profits are also distributed in proportion to the size of capital. In 2007, the retail market price of the coastal area was more than that of gold, and Tibetans may have sold less than 20,000 to 30,000 yuan per kilogram. Retail prices are stormy, but production areas are not seen to be volatile. The economic performance of different ethnic groups is often regarded as a difference in ethnic character. For example, when the Tibetans in the cordyceps production area explained why the pygmy middlemen were mostly Muslims, they said: "The Hui people are bold and can afford to take risks. Chinese mainstream discourse also often blames Tibetan poverty on the "lazy" nature of Tibetans. This cultural interpretation obscures the economic and social capital necessary to participate in a market economy. Such a large number of Hui people can become successful middlemen, in addition to their business traditions, because of the accumulation of funds brought about by this tradition, and the network of Hui people established in Tibet and Qinghai, two major worm-producing areas and trading markets. Therefore, some Tibetans with sufficient capital have gradually emerged through years of market competition. On more than one occasion, I have heard a complaint from a seagrass merchant along the coast: "The Tibetans have also become smart. "The convenience of transportation and the development of information brought about by modernization, as well as the accumulation of funds brought about by the market, have facilitated the participation of many farmers and herdsmen who pick worm-picking plants in market competition.
In the 1990s, when cordyceps began to become popular, farmers and herdsmen in the producing areas could only quickly sell cordyceps at extremely low prices because of cash shortages and the inability to know the retail prices far off the coast. After 2000, many middlemen complained that prices in the production areas were also rising, reducing the original huge profits in the middle-because farmers and herdsmen also had enough funds and information to market. In spite of this, it is difficult for the market mechanism to smooth out the disadvantages of the Tibetans at the beginning. It often widens the original gap and structural the poverty problem of most Tibetans.
In recent years, the heavy dependence of farmers and herdsmen on the income of cordyceps reflects the intensification of this structural problem. Compared with urban areas, the crisis faced by the agro-pastoral population, which accounts for 81 % of the total population of the Tibet Autonomous Region, is even more acute in modernization. But like Melvyn C. Goldstein pointed out that in the discussion on Tibetan governance, this unavoidable issue is the least studied. Goldstein's field survey found that since the abolition of the public service system and the implementation of the household contract system in 1981, the income and living standards of farmers have improved significantly. However, in the context of the deepening of the market, the growth of agricultural income is far less than the rate of increase in the prices of daily necessities and agricultural supplies, and more and more farmers can not be self-sufficient. One of the main reasons is that many crops in Tibet, such as barley, have only Tibetan consumers, so there is relatively little room for price increases. With the improvement of traffic conditions and the active circulation of regional commodities, the barley produced outside Nepal and the autonomous region has occupied a lot of market share. Coupled with the reduction in per capita land, farmers in Tibet seek a way out for non-agricultural industries. Non-farm income has become the main way to improve living standards. However, they found that there were very few opportunities for work. Even if they received work, due to the disadvantage of language and education, more than half of the people were engaged in low-paid manual work.
The development strategy of the GDP centre has made the situation even more critical. In the 1980s, the Chinese government discussed how to implement market reforms and rural population movements in Tibet and discussed two feasible solutions. One of them focuses on accelerating the overall development of Tibet, allowing all people to participate in the employment competition in Tibet on an equal footing. Another program gives priority to the interests of Tibetans and gives preferential employment policies. Compared with the previous program, this program will undoubtedly slow down the pace of economic growth. Coupled with the ideology that ethnic minorities need the help of the Han nationality, the Chinese government finally made the first plan in the mid-1980s. As a result, while the state finances and invests heavily in development projects, and GDP is growing rapidly, most Tibetan people do not benefit. The lack of cash income opportunities has created a vicious circle of development. Especially in the case of public services, such as medical care, but also market reforms, farmers and herdsmen face heavy tax and fees pressure. While more and more Tibetan medicine products appear on the market to cater to foreign consumers, farming and pastoral areas face a general lack of drugs because of lack of cash income. Economic pressure has also led to a high dropout rate of schoolchildren in farming and pastoral areas, and further weakened the market competitiveness of the new generation of Tibetans.
Farmers and herdsmen in the Tibetan area are increasingly marginalized in this process. In this context, Luorongzhandui believes that "the rising prices of cordyceps have played an important role in alleviating the relative poverty in Tibet's agricultural and pastoral areas, especially in the distribution of poor people and the pattern of poor areas in Tibet's agricultural and pastoral areas. Historical impact. Indeed, caterpillar income has eased the shortage of cash income in farming and pastoral areas, and many Tibetans who pick caterpillar disease have said that the problem of medical expenses has been solved. But as in many parts of the world that rely on the export of raw materials, the structural problems of the Tibetan farming and pastoral areas have not changed, but have been further solidified. Only the increase in economic capital brought about by caterpillar fungus can not improve the disadvantages of social capital and cultural capital, and it does not provide a way for economic capital to be converted to other capital. Compared with the poor job market and low wages, the digging of wormwood does not require technology, education, and start-up capital. It can also obtain a large amount of cash in a short period of time. Tibetans who can dig wormwood have given up the idea of working. And education is more like an investment that doesn't pay back.
In one of the villages I surveyed in 2007, the Tibetans were less enthusiastic about sending their children to school because even if they did, they couldn't find work. But the single income structure and heavy dependence on Han consumers make farmers and herdsmen more vulnerable to market fluctuations.
In 2008, the large drop in the price of cordyceps caused a lot of impact on the cordyceps production area. A Tibetan scholar once jokingly said: "If one day you Cantonese suddenly decide not to eat wormwood, these Tibetans will be finished. In addition, the traditional property concepts and living habits of Tibetans can not adapt to the sudden arrival of a large amount of cash income. Modern financial concepts such as savings, investment, and risk management are still unfamiliar to most farmers and herdsmen.
In a 2007 visit to three villages in the nacu area, the author found that most herdsmen had not yet established the concept of savings, and many of the people over 50 still used yaks as a unit of property calculation. At the same time, consumerism has infiltrated these remote areas through the media and immigrants. The understanding of good life has changed from the original religious meaning to the imagination of distant consumers. "Zodano" is a popular jingle about good life in that area-obviously good life does not come from Tibet. As a result, most of its revenue is spent on consumption rather than long-term investments.
These expenditures tend to flow to stores opened by Han or Hui people. Many young Tibetans are even more addicted to gambling, and the number of bets is often staggering. It is in this kind of political and economic soil that ethnic issues have not been resolved with economic "development", but have been reconstructed. In the wormwood production area, a new kind of ethnic boundary based on resource competition has emerged.
Before the Tibetan District Government implemented the Pest Mining Permit in 2006, foreign diggers and local Tibetans had serious conflicts every year, and bloody fights were not uncommon in various places.
Local Tibetans often refer to these outsiders-whatever their ethnic group-as gyami. In the Tibetan language, gyami is the meaning of Han or Chinese. The difference between the inside and outside of the ethnic group points here to the distribution of resources. People determine the boundaries of "their own people" based on resources. The Sino-Tibetan contradictions are not "natural." As Benedict Anderson pointed out, ethnic boundaries are situational, and in different economic practices, ethnic boundaries continue to move, deepen, or fade. This is not surprising. In 2008, when the "March 14" incident in Tibet spread to the cordyceps production area, the local government was prepared to guard against death and set up many roadblocks, but it did not come in handy at all: April and May were the season for the collection of cordyceps. Most of the people were busy digging for wormwood up the mountain. We must see that, apart from the apparent high GDP growth, Tibet's economic development has not been fundamentally resolved and remains a major factor in regional instability and ethnic conflict. Although the marginalization of Tibetan farmers and herdsmen in development can not be attributed to the deliberate actions of the government for political purposes. However, we have to carefully examine whether the current development concept has really promoted sustainable development in Tibet.
The Tibetan modern reincarnation of yartsa gun BU, Xiacao, Tibetan people think that its magic is not the effect of medicine, but the vitality of its death and transformation, Xiechunsheng. Under the tide of globalization and modernization, Tibet is also going through a difficult transformation of modern life. Cordyceps cordyceps, the symbiotic life form of plants and animals, may provide an inspiration for this: modern transformation does not mean that the roots of the past are uprooted. The so-called traditional culture has never been static. Tibet is not faced with a traditional and modern dilemma. However, how to inject new vitality into the original social context and how to draw nutrients from the tradition without losing its due cultural depth will be a continuous challenge.
The integration with global modernization is already an irreversible trend, and it is also the meaning of the development of Tibet. In order to break out of the new life form, Tibet, which has been flattened and symbolized by multiple political discourse, will never provide suitable nutrients. However, the "fertilization" of the state's policy-oriented economy alone is ultimately irreconcilable and can not nourish this deep and extensive land. How can the real Tibet be protected from being pushed or even flooded by this complex flood of global economic, social, cultural and ethnic capital? Can the ethnic policy also play its proper role in providing proper lighthouses and safe havens to guide Tibet on a correct course for the future?
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